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The
Politics of Outsourcing
August
18, 2003
By
Jim Lorick
In
concept, free trade and open markets are good things.
Capitalism has proven to be such a good thing that countries
all over the world are shedding their protectionist policies
and hopping on board the globalization supertrain. The
Soviet Union, our old twentieth-century nemesis, has come
to worship at the high altar of liberal economics, while
China, the last socialist superpower on the planet, opens
its markets a little more every day.
But
can global business-to-business bonding be too much of
a good thing? Or perhaps more precisely, what do we do
as a nation experience when the good thing for corporate
America is devastating to American workers? This divergence
of interests, so hotly debated in the 1980s and 1990s
during the waning of America's manufacturing sector, is
again at the heart of a national debate as legislators
consider the consequences of offshore information technology
outsourcing.
The
harsh reality is that the pressures of global competition
force a company in Baltimore to enter the world market
for widgets at the same or better price as a company in
Bangalore. American consumers get cheaper widgets, but
American widget companies are forced to employ foreign
labor, and American widget-workers are out of a job.
The
cycle looks fairly familiar. Protests from displaced workers
stimulate politicians who are looking to turn those protests
into votes. Politicians promise to stem the tide of jobs
flowing overseas. Tariffs and other trade barriers are
shoddily and hastily erected. Jobs flow overseas regardless,
while tariffs and trade barriers remain as a form of industrial
welfare.
In
the debate over manufacturing jobs, the discussion quickly
became focused on the market cost for goods. Mr. and Mrs.
America may have preferred that the clothes they bought
for their children were made by American workers, but
they were far more concerned about the family budget.
A thirty dollar pair of Levi's made in America could not
compete with a twenty dollar pair of Bugle Boys made in
China, particularly when even at that price differential,
the profit margin for Levis was shrinking. Are Americans
really going to get so worked up about IT jobs moving
to India that they will be willing to pay more for hardware,
software, and tech support? Doubtful.
What
sets this discourse apart from the manufacturing context
of the 1980s and 1990s is that the American workers
being affected aren't blue-collar employees, but middle-class
programmers. The political implications aren't immediately
clear. While unions can clamor for trade protections,
and agricultural interests can lobby for price protections,
information technology workers don't have a ready organizational
structure with which to influence policy makers. Nevertheless,
some legislators have taken up their fight in an effort
to protect American jobs (and garner some votes in the
process). Representatives from several States that have
felt the greatest impact from offshore outsourcing are
leading the charge to protect our defenseless IT cowboys
from the hostile Indians.
Maryland,
Washington, Connecticut, Missouri, and New Jersey are
considering laws banning offshore outsourcing of government
tech-services contracts. On the federal level, in early
June Congress began considering ways to close a legal
loophole that allows foreigners to use guest worker visas
to service clients in the US. Advocates of the change
suggest that the loophole, like actual physical offshore
outsourcing, displaces American workers with foreign nationals.
Consistent with that concern, Representative Nancy L.
Johnson (R-Conn.) has asked that large insurance companies
disclose how much of their IT work is being done by foreign
nationals in the U.S.
Ironically,
it is the very technology that provided American IT workers
with so many high wage jobs that is now their undoing.
Reliable communications technology and the radical expansion
of the speed and penetration of the Internet into the
developing world have made location irrelevant. We have
no way of knowing the physical location of the screen
on which an email service query will pop up - and as long
as the question is answered correctly in something that
passes for English, we don't really care.
Education
is the other major change that has been a key factor in
offshore outsourcing. America has long been exporting
its intellectual wealth in the form of university educations
sold to foreign nationals. For decades our top engineering
programs have trained the world. Foreign universities
and corporations are now staffed with some of the best
and brightest to ever graduate from America's premier
academic institutions. India alone is said to have over
500,000 computer engineers.
Since
contracts to service US companies represent nearly 70%
of business in India, government and business leaders
in India are following outsourcing debate in the US with
passionate concern. Following the example of their American
industrial counterparts, India's software association,
Nasscom, has hired Hill & Knowlton, one of American's
foremost public relations firms, to help shape the debate.
The Indians offer the familiar argument that a rising
tide lifts all boats and that the existence of IT capacity
in India supports the continued expansion of the market
for American computer and electronic products. They are
also quick to point out that many of the dollars that
flow into India from the US flow right back out in the
form of American goods and services purchased by Indians.
The Indians are also bold enough to suggest that the world
community is more than a little weary of the hypocrisy
of American trade policy - a policy that pays lip service
to free markets except in circumstances in which America
cannot compete. The Indian press also notes that offshore
outsourcing was not such a great concern while the US
tech sector was booming and Indian workers were helping
US companies to stay competitive in the world market.
A
key point in the public policy debate, however, looks
at the real cost of wages. Other countries do not have
to include costs such as environmental regulations, worker
safety regulations, employment taxes and benefits in the
hourly labor cost calculus. Other countries do not have
a climate that is as litigious as our own. Other countries
do not allow workers the freedom to organize that we accord
our workers.
So
what is to be done about the offshore outsourcing problem?
If rational heads prevail, absolutely nothing. Growth
in the wealth and sophistication of the developing world
is both inevitable and desirable. The more economically
interdependent and the wealthier all nations become, the
harder they will work to create and preserve global stability.
The
harder issue is defining state and federal responsibilities
with respect to workers who are displaced by the new economic
realities. These workers must be supported in transition
and retrained to contribute to the economy. Yet, can government
provide any relief at all if we continue to devote limitless
revenues to foreign military adventuring and re-building
war-devastated nations? Can we tackle rehabilitating the
work force with revenue streams so truncated by economic
contraction and radical tax cuts that we can barely afford
to keep the lights on in the White House? Clearly, tackling
the issues that continue to erode the health of the domestic
economy and redefining America's role in the larger world
are both difficult and politically risky propositions.
As always, when times get tough, it is easy and popular
to shake one's fist in the general direction of something
foreign and promise to protect American workers from the
perils of legitimate free market competition, but enacting
protectionist legislation will hurt American consumers,
corporations, and our reputation in the world as a free,
fair, and open society, which may be our most valuable
commodity.
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